Anti-Trump shouldn’t mean pro-Harris thumbnail

Anti-Trump shouldn’t mean pro-Harris

It’s that time again. The presidential election is upon us, and the usual suspects have begun to wag their fingers over voting choices — that is, at those who won’t vote for President Donald Trump but also won’t vote for Vice President Kamala Harris.

It’s a tedious exercise, and those engaging in it reduce themselves to moral scolds because they lack valid arguments. I’m talking about the strain of Never Trumpers who have decided to become Democrats without calling themselves Democrats.

Charlie Sykes, formerly of the Bulwark, wrote an article for the Atlantic in which he begins with a flat-out lie. He writes, “When the Never Trump movement emerged in 2016, it wasn’t always clear what never meant.”

Sure it was. It meant never voting for Trump. It was simple, and it remains that way. Some “conservatives,” at some point, decided that it was too much work to bring the Republican Party back to the era defined by the likes of Ronald Reagan and Milton Friedman, so they jumped to the other side while claiming to maintain their supposed principles.

The resurrection of the misleading “binary choice” rhetoric, designed to pressure individuals into a decision, is vital to this narrative. However, the truth is that the choice is yours: Trump, Harris, Robert F. Kennedy Jr., Jill Stein, Cornel West, or abstaining. That’s not “binary.”

Sykes also writes, “Harris is far from their first choice, but when your kitchen is in flames, you reach for whatever extinguisher is at hand.”

If that’s familiar, it’s only because Sykes isn’t very original. All he’s doing is echoing Michael Anton’s 2016 “The Flight 93 Election” essay. In it, Anton argued that not voting for Trump was akin to the heroes of the 9/11 terrorist attacks staying seated on Flight 93 instead of storming the cockpit as they did. The plane still crashed, but they took that chance. Sykes is arguing: Grab whatever fire extinguisher you can because if you don’t, the house will burn down.

The problem is no matter what you think of Trump, the idea that Harris is an acceptable alternative is ridiculous. It is not merely an issue of a difference in philosophy about taxes or spending. Harris backs the Biden plan to upend the Supreme Court with term limits because the president doesn’t like the justices’ recent decisions.

It’s a departure from President Joe Biden’s nearly 50 years in elective office and can only be described as radical. And it’s disqualifying. Arguing that it “won’t pass” doesn’t cut it. Whether or not this plan materializes, it is an idea that flies in the face of the constitutional order, as does the Biden administration’s college debt forgiveness. 

When running for the 2020 nomination, Harris said that she would give Congress 100 days to take specific steps or she would take them herself. But Congress does not answer to the president. Harris, under the guise of a “mandatory buyback,” also supported confiscating AR-15 rifles. That flies in the face of not only the Second Amendment but the Fourth Amendment and the Fifth Amendment as well. Harris’s campaign recently said she no longer supports confiscation, but why should anyone believe her?

“You must vote for Kamala Harris” is a lazy person’s attempt at persuasion. Instead of making a valid argument and putting the onus on Harris to sell herself to the voting public, people such as Sykes want to take credit if Kamala wins but blame those who sit out or vote for a third party if she loses.

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Contrary to what Sykes and others think, the country will not become a dictatorship if Trump wins. I have faith in our system, even if some do not. With all the nation went through in the past, from the Civil War to two World Wars, the Cold War, the Korean War, the civil rights movement, multiple presidential assassinations, the Vietnam War, Watergate, and much more, I refuse to sit around in a state of fear over a second Trump administration.

The house is not burning down. If you want to vote for Harris, go ahead. But don’t say I have an obligation to do the same.

Andrea Ruth is a contributor to the Washington Examiner magazine.

2024-08-03 10:00:00, http://s.wordpress.com/mshots/v1/https%3A%2F%2Fwww.washingtonexaminer.com%2Fopinion%2F3108645%2Fanti-trump-shouldnt-mean-pro-harris%2F?w=600&h=450, It’s that time again. The presidential election is upon us, and the usual suspects have begun to wag their fingers over voting choices — that is, at those who won’t vote for President Donald Trump but also won’t vote for Vice President Kamala Harris. It’s a tedious exercise, and those engaging in it reduce themselves,

It’s that time again. The presidential election is upon us, and the usual suspects have begun to wag their fingers over voting choices — that is, at those who won’t vote for President Donald Trump but also won’t vote for Vice President Kamala Harris.

It’s a tedious exercise, and those engaging in it reduce themselves to moral scolds because they lack valid arguments. I’m talking about the strain of Never Trumpers who have decided to become Democrats without calling themselves Democrats.

Charlie Sykes, formerly of the Bulwark, wrote an article for the Atlantic in which he begins with a flat-out lie. He writes, “When the Never Trump movement emerged in 2016, it wasn’t always clear what never meant.”

Sure it was. It meant never voting for Trump. It was simple, and it remains that way. Some “conservatives,” at some point, decided that it was too much work to bring the Republican Party back to the era defined by the likes of Ronald Reagan and Milton Friedman, so they jumped to the other side while claiming to maintain their supposed principles.

The resurrection of the misleading “binary choice” rhetoric, designed to pressure individuals into a decision, is vital to this narrative. However, the truth is that the choice is yours: Trump, Harris, Robert F. Kennedy Jr., Jill Stein, Cornel West, or abstaining. That’s not “binary.”

Sykes also writes, “Harris is far from their first choice, but when your kitchen is in flames, you reach for whatever extinguisher is at hand.”

If that’s familiar, it’s only because Sykes isn’t very original. All he’s doing is echoing Michael Anton’s 2016 “The Flight 93 Election” essay. In it, Anton argued that not voting for Trump was akin to the heroes of the 9/11 terrorist attacks staying seated on Flight 93 instead of storming the cockpit as they did. The plane still crashed, but they took that chance. Sykes is arguing: Grab whatever fire extinguisher you can because if you don’t, the house will burn down.

The problem is no matter what you think of Trump, the idea that Harris is an acceptable alternative is ridiculous. It is not merely an issue of a difference in philosophy about taxes or spending. Harris backs the Biden plan to upend the Supreme Court with term limits because the president doesn’t like the justices’ recent decisions.

It’s a departure from President Joe Biden’s nearly 50 years in elective office and can only be described as radical. And it’s disqualifying. Arguing that it “won’t pass” doesn’t cut it. Whether or not this plan materializes, it is an idea that flies in the face of the constitutional order, as does the Biden administration’s college debt forgiveness. 

When running for the 2020 nomination, Harris said that she would give Congress 100 days to take specific steps or she would take them herself. But Congress does not answer to the president. Harris, under the guise of a “mandatory buyback,” also supported confiscating AR-15 rifles. That flies in the face of not only the Second Amendment but the Fourth Amendment and the Fifth Amendment as well. Harris’s campaign recently said she no longer supports confiscation, but why should anyone believe her?

“You must vote for Kamala Harris” is a lazy person’s attempt at persuasion. Instead of making a valid argument and putting the onus on Harris to sell herself to the voting public, people such as Sykes want to take credit if Kamala wins but blame those who sit out or vote for a third party if she loses.

CLICK HERE TO READ MORE FROM THE WASHINGTON EXAMINER

Contrary to what Sykes and others think, the country will not become a dictatorship if Trump wins. I have faith in our system, even if some do not. With all the nation went through in the past, from the Civil War to two World Wars, the Cold War, the Korean War, the civil rights movement, multiple presidential assassinations, the Vietnam War, Watergate, and much more, I refuse to sit around in a state of fear over a second Trump administration.

The house is not burning down. If you want to vote for Harris, go ahead. But don’t say I have an obligation to do the same.

Andrea Ruth is a contributor to the Washington Examiner magazine.

, It’s that time again. The presidential election is upon us, and the usual suspects have begun to wag their fingers over voting choices — that is, at those who won’t vote for President Donald Trump but also won’t vote for Vice President Kamala Harris. It’s a tedious exercise, and those engaging in it reduce themselves to moral scolds because they lack valid arguments. I’m talking about the strain of Never Trumpers who have decided to become Democrats without calling themselves Democrats. Charlie Sykes, formerly of the Bulwark, wrote an article for the Atlantic in which he begins with a flat-out lie. He writes, “When the Never Trump movement emerged in 2016, it wasn’t always clear what never meant.” Sure it was. It meant never voting for Trump. It was simple, and it remains that way. Some “conservatives,” at some point, decided that it was too much work to bring the Republican Party back to the era defined by the likes of Ronald Reagan and Milton Friedman, so they jumped to the other side while claiming to maintain their supposed principles. The resurrection of the misleading “binary choice” rhetoric, designed to pressure individuals into a decision, is vital to this narrative. However, the truth is that the choice is yours: Trump, Harris, Robert F. Kennedy Jr., Jill Stein, Cornel West, or abstaining. That’s not “binary.” Sykes also writes, “Harris is far from their first choice, but when your kitchen is in flames, you reach for whatever extinguisher is at hand.” If that’s familiar, it’s only because Sykes isn’t very original. All he’s doing is echoing Michael Anton’s 2016 “The Flight 93 Election” essay. In it, Anton argued that not voting for Trump was akin to the heroes of the 9/11 terrorist attacks staying seated on Flight 93 instead of storming the cockpit as they did. The plane still crashed, but they took that chance. Sykes is arguing: Grab whatever fire extinguisher you can because if you don’t, the house will burn down. The problem is no matter what you think of Trump, the idea that Harris is an acceptable alternative is ridiculous. It is not merely an issue of a difference in philosophy about taxes or spending. Harris backs the Biden plan to upend the Supreme Court with term limits because the president doesn’t like the justices’ recent decisions. It’s a departure from President Joe Biden’s nearly 50 years in elective office and can only be described as radical. And it’s disqualifying. Arguing that it “won’t pass” doesn’t cut it. Whether or not this plan materializes, it is an idea that flies in the face of the constitutional order, as does the Biden administration’s college debt forgiveness.  When running for the 2020 nomination, Harris said that she would give Congress 100 days to take specific steps or she would take them herself. But Congress does not answer to the president. Harris, under the guise of a “mandatory buyback,” also supported confiscating AR-15 rifles. That flies in the face of not only the Second Amendment but the Fourth Amendment and the Fifth Amendment as well. Harris’s campaign recently said she no longer supports confiscation, but why should anyone believe her? “You must vote for Kamala Harris” is a lazy person’s attempt at persuasion. Instead of making a valid argument and putting the onus on Harris to sell herself to the voting public, people such as Sykes want to take credit if Kamala wins but blame those who sit out or vote for a third party if she loses. CLICK HERE TO READ MORE FROM THE WASHINGTON EXAMINER Contrary to what Sykes and others think, the country will not become a dictatorship if Trump wins. I have faith in our system, even if some do not. With all the nation went through in the past, from the Civil War to two World Wars, the Cold War, the Korean War, the civil rights movement, multiple presidential assassinations, the Vietnam War, Watergate, and much more, I refuse to sit around in a state of fear over a second Trump administration. The house is not burning down. If you want to vote for Harris, go ahead. But don’t say I have an obligation to do the same. Andrea Ruth is a contributor to the Washington Examiner magazine., , Anti-Trump shouldn’t mean pro-Harris, https://www.washingtonexaminer.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/ap-kamala-harris-event-080224.webp, Washington Examiner, Political News and Conservative Analysis About Congress, the President, and the Federal Government, https://www.washingtonexaminer.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/cropped-favicon-32×32.png, https://www.washingtonexaminer.com/feed/, Andrea Ruth,

The GOP is populist — for now thumbnail

The GOP is populist — for now

For many conservatives of the classical liberal stripe, former President Donald Trump’s selection of Sen. J.D. Vance (R-OH) as his running mate was somewhat of a watershed moment.

Vance went from being a vocal Trump critic to being one of the first Republicans to endorse his 2024 run in an op-ed in January 2023. Not only that, but Vance also embraced Trump’s brand of populism, decrying free trade and foreign intervention and supporting a more significant role for the federal government in matters related to the economy. Dan McLaughlin of National Review tweeted, “Trump picking Vance is a giant middle finger to conservatives, but we’re used to that by now.”

For many, it was the final nail in the coffin of Reagan conservatism: free market economics, strong national defense, and limited government. For example, Vance praised the head of the Federal Trade Commission, Lina Khan, saying she’s doing a “very good job.” Khan, a far-left progressive, has yet to meet a corporate merger she doesn’t want to block and uses her role as a political cudgel more than anything else.

Is Reagan conservatism dead? No, but it has been put out to pasture for now. Parties shift over time. The Democratic Party of 2000, also known as the era of the “New Democrats,” is virtually unrecognizable today. The same could be said of the Republican Party. Many younger people on the “New Right” act as if what’s happening within the GOP is something new, fresh, and unlike anything else we’ve seen before.

History, of course, is a guide. Taking policies and ideology, wrapping them in new names, and elevating people otherwise shut out 20 years ago, the current landscape of the Republican Party is a retread. The current iteration of the party as a whole, as it relates to immigration, foreign intervention, and trade, is not all that different from the GOP in the 1920s and 1930s.

It was former President George W. Bush who, in 2011, saw the path on which the GOP was headed and hoped it wouldn’t. During a C-SPAN Q&A, Bush said: “What’s interesting about our country, if you study history, is that there are some ‘isms’ that occasionally pop up. One is isolationism and its evil twin protectionism and its evil triplet nativism.”

Bush described policies embraced by the Republican Party that limited immigration, such as the 1924 Johnson-Reed Act. At that time, the concern over immigration had nothing to do with Mexico but Southern and Eastern Europe and the significant influx of Jewish people and Italians. Republican Sen. David Reed of Pennsylvania penned an op-ed in the New York Times after the bill’s passage. He said, “The racial composition of America at the present time thus is made permanent.”

The Neutrality Acts of the 1930s were designed to limit U.S. intervention in foreign conflicts. What drove them was a movement that proclaimed World War I was driven primarily by bankers and munitions traders with business interests in Europe.

The Tariff Act of 1930, also known as Smoot-Hawley, implemented a series of tariffs on over 20,000 imported goods as a measure to protect jobs and farmers. The response from other countries, of course, was protest and retaliation. As a result, exports to countries protesting fell 18% and those to countries that retaliated fell 31%.

Does all of that sound familiar? The rationalization, the supposed urgency, and the proclaimed necessity are all part and parcel of the Republican Party’s message today, especially with Trump as its leader.

Jonathan Swift said, “Everything old is new again.”

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It will take some time for those hoping the Republican Party makes a U-turn and reverts to the Reagan model. Contrary to what people say, Trump’s ability to shift the party’s direction did not happen overnight. It found its roots 10 years earlier with diminished support of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, and it was exacerbated by the 2008 financial crisis in which the public suffered while banks, insurance companies, the auto industry, and the financial sector received bailouts to keep them afloat.

For those claiming the Republican Party of Ronald Reagan is “dead,” they’re forgetting that political movements within parties come and go. At some point down the road, they’ll once again be on the outside looking in.

Andrea Ruth is a contributor to the Washington Examiner magazine.