How a party writes its platform every four years ahead of convention thumbnail

How a party writes its platform every four years ahead of convention

Although less important than it once was, every four years, both Republicans and Democrats gather within their parties to write up their party platforms for the next four years. 

The party platform dates back to the 1800s and serves as a way for those within the party, from national to local politicians, to navigate political conversations and policy ideas. In a process between party leaders, interest groups, and others, there can be much back and forth before a platform gets adopted by the party for the next four years. In 2020, however, Republicans did not adopt a new platform and decided to reinstate the 2016 platform instead.

Now, both Democrats and Republicans are likely deep into their phase of designing or redesigning how their party will look as they gear up for their respective conventions. Here’s what goes into creating a party platform.

History of the party platform

In 1840, Martin Van Buren, a Democrat, was believed to have written the first party platform, which consisted of nine of his positions explained in 536 words. Andrew Jackson’s, his Democratic predecessor, departure from office forced the Democratic Party to contend with how to create a party identity when such a strong personality, such as Jackson’s, was leaving.

In 1856, Republicans launched their first party platform. By the end of the Civil War, leaders from opposing parties were reading each other’s party platforms in order to create their own platform in opposition. 

In 1924, parties began writing their platforms in a way that would highlight their own party, notably if their party was in power, and celebrate their accomplishments. When Calvin Coolidge took over the office of the presidency after Warren Harding’s death, he took the opportunity to use the GOP platform to talk about Republican accomplishments rather than putting down the Democrats.

“[Platforms] matter within the party and among party activists there, they’re sending signals to certain groups within the party. I don’t think they matter much at all, and nor have they ever really mattered, for the general electorate,” Geoff Layman, chairman of the political science department at the University of Notre Dame, told the Washington Examiner.

“It’s almost even less about the actual policy position and more about sort of winners and losers within intra-party battles,” Layman continued.

How it gets written

Longtime party leaders, people from the presumed nominee’s campaign, and those who represent special interest groups all gather over the course of a few months to write their party manifesto.

The convention, either the Democratic National Convention or the Republican National Convention, ratifies the party platform as official. A typical platform is 50-70 pages, typically beginning with an overall vision for the nation, an outline of problems facing the county, and a way to solve those matters.

While the nominee can sometimes have final say if there is something in the platform they believe they simply cannot get on board with or sell to voters, it’s a mixed bag of who gets final say over what’s included or not in the platform: Whether that be the nominee or the party itself.

Layman pointed to one instance, however, in which the party won over the candidate when Bob Dole ran against President Bill Clinton for president.

“In 1996, there was some tension between the Bob Dole campaign and the Republican Party over the abortion stance. The Dole campaign wanted sort of a softer pro-life stance, and the party wanted a bit harder line on abortion,” Layman said. 

The party ended up getting their way. He did note that Dole was “a real long shot candidate running against a popular incumbent,” so the Dole campaign may have been more inclined to “move a little bit more to the middle from the Republican Party’s traditional abortion stance.”

“I’m not sure that the nominee always has sort of absolute control over the platform, but their preferences are certainly strongly considered,” Layman said.

When asked about how parties change their platforms, whether that be for social movements making the current stance unpopular or other events, Layman pointed to a specific policy Republicans abruptly switched on.

“The Republicans had always endorsed the equal rights amendment for like 40 consecutive years, up through 1976 and then when Ronald Reagan was the nominee 1980, they completely reversed and opposed the Equal Rights Amendment,” Layman said.

What to expect in 2024 platforms

“In recent years, the platforms have become less important because the parties internally are sort of so homogenous ideologically. But every now and again, something rears its head, like Israel for the Democrats. It may be abortion for the Republicans,” Layman said.

In 2020, the Republican Party platform adopted the 2016 platform, which they chalked up to having limited availability to write it during COVID-19. The party did, however, lay out an agenda in 2020 for a second term under former President Donald Trump with an incredibly short list of wishful items without much explanation about how to get there, said in just 600 words. 

Some items include “return to normal in 2021,” “cut prescription drug prices,” “create 10 million new jobs in 10 months,” and “create 1 million new small businesses.”

“If you are trying to stick a platform on one page, I’d submit to you that there will be no real platform,” Rep. Chip Roy (R-TX) said. 

The New Atlantis
The room is set, and delegates begin to arrive for the first day of the Republican National Convention, Monday, Aug. 24, 2020, in Charlotte, North Carolina. (Travis Dove/The New York Times via AP, Pool)

Scott Cooley, an assistant professor at the University of Chicago, told the Washington Examiner that Republicans’ choice to adopt the 2016 party platform in its entirety was also strange because it alluded to former President Barack Obama saying the former president was doing a “terrible job,” but in 2020 that would have been their own nominee, Trump.

“The lawyers at the Republican National Committee said ‘you can’t start amending it or you have to open it up for all kinds of amendments,’” Cooley said.

In 2020, Axios reported Jared Kushner, Trump’s son-in-law who was spearheading the platform rewrite, was butting heads with social conservatives on the abortion matter. In the end, with Republicans simply adopting the old platform, the problem was muted. 

Since 1980, the Republican Party has had an item calling for the “protection of the right to life for unborn children” via a constitutional amendment. Some social conservatives, as Cooley pointed out, are concerned with any change in that language.

“The 2020 Republican National Convention will adjourn without adopting a new platform until the 2024 Republican National Convention,” the resolution from the decision to adopt the old platform states.

Crafting this year’s platform

Some predict the Republican Party in 2024 may not include anything on the topic of abortion in their platform. Republicans have switched their tune since Roe v. Wade was overturned, as many in the once anti-abortion party have now taken a ‘state’s right’ approach to the matter. 

“Republicans [in 2024] are kind of grappling with this because there’s a part of the party that said, ‘Look, we were dedicated to overturning Roe v. Wade, it’s gone back to the States, we should be done with this.’ And there’s a part of the party that says ‘no, we want a Human Life Amendment,’” Cooley said.

“The trouble is social conservatives. They can deliver votes, they don’t have money, but they can deliver voter registration drives, they distribute voting guides to churches and things like that,” Cooley said.

Democrats have been torn on their own concern: Israel, notably after the Oct. 7 attacks and the war against Hamas resulting in mass casualties in Gaza. Because this conflict is so divisive within the party, Democrats will likely not touch on it and instead prefer a narrow approach.

“A fairly standard approach is you either don’t say anything, or you say something that’s sort of so broad and inclusive. And I suspect that is how the Biden campaign and the Democratic Party leadership will want to go,” Layman said.

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“It will be a very broad statement of, ‘We respect the sovereignty of Israel. The Democratic Party has long supported a two-state solution. We’re very concerned about the violence and the loss of life on both sides.’ That’s sort of so milk toast that it will at least be meant to make everyone happy, although it will probably make no one happy,” Layman predicted.

Each party’s platforms are expected to be rolled out at their conventions. The Democratic National Convention is August 19-22 in Chicago, and the Republican National Convention is July 15-18 in Milwaukee.

Reporter’s Notebook: Implications of a dip in consumer confidence thumbnail

Reporter’s Notebook: Implications of a dip in consumer confidence

Washington Examiner Economics Reporter Zachary Halaschak joins Magazine Executive Editor Jim Antle to discuss the implications of a dip in consumer confidence, former Maryland Gov. Larry Hogan‘s economic plan, and whether the Republican Senate candidate, who is campaigning to represent a blue state, could be open to coalition building.

Social Security update: First round of July payments worth $4,873 goes out in 10 days thumbnail

Social Security update: First round of July payments worth $4,873 goes out in 10 days

In 10 days, millions of Social Security beneficiaries will receive their July retirement payments — worth up to $4,873 per check for those who retire at 70 years old.

Citizens who receive Social Security payments and were born between the first and the 10th of a month will get their regular monthly checks from the Social Security Administration on July 10.

Regular Social Security payments issued by the SSA are based on the earnings throughout a retiree’s life and have no limits based on income, but the amount each check is worth is dependent on the age when a person retires.

Those who retired at the current retirement age, 67, receive a maximum check of $3,822, while those who retired at 62 get up to $2,710, and those who delay their retirement to age 70 get the largest payment of $4,873 per month, according to the Social Security Administration.

The monthly payment schedule has three waves, all occurring on Wednesdays — or Tuesday if Wednesday is a federal holiday.

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The distribution of checks is divided by the day of the month recipients were born. The second wave of payments will be sent out on July 17, while the third wave will go out on July 24.

The monthly Social Security payments being sent out in the coming weeks are different from other checks given out by the SSA — such as disability insurance or Supplemental Security Income, which are sent out on a different schedule. SSI payments are sent to recipients by the beginning of each month.

Social Security update: July direct payment worth $943 goes out in one day thumbnail

Social Security update: July direct payment worth $943 goes out in one day

In one day, the monthly Supplemental Security Income check worth up to $943 for individual filers will be sent out to eligible recipients.

The Social Security Administration will issue SSI payments to eligible citizens on July 1, in accordance with the SSA mandate that benefits must be given to recipients by the first day of the month.

This requirement for recipients to get their checks by the first of the month means that when the first day of a month falls on a weekend or a holiday, the Social Security Administration issues SSI checks the business day prior. For the remainder of 2024, this will happen for payments scheduled for September and December.

The amount which SSI checks are worth for beneficiaries depends on their status, with individuals getting monthly $914 payments and eligible couples receiving $1,415 payments per month. Essential persons – who are people who live with someone receiving SSI and provide them with necessary care – get monthly payments of $472 from the program.

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The first SSI payments were sent out to recipients by the Social Security Administration in January 1974, with payment rates being adjusted in line with cost of living since 1975, according to the agency.

Supplemental Security Income checks are different from other payments sent out by the Social Security Administration. Regular Social Security payments are issued on a different schedule each month from SSI payments and are dependent on the recipient’s day of birth. Those checks are sent in three waves each month.

Florida’s abortion ballot measure faces daunting threshold in November thumbnail

Florida’s abortion ballot measure faces daunting threshold in November

In the Sunshine State, abortion will be on the ballot when voters decide on the presidential and Senate races — but unlike those two races, the abortion ballot measure must seek a higher threshold that could be its undoing.

Democrats have tied their hopes for making up ground in Florida — a state becoming increasingly Republican — to the abortion ballot measure, while Republicans have stated their opposition to the measure, and Gov. Ron DeSantis (R-FL) has reportedly launched a fund to support the opposition.

Currently, in Florida, abortion is banned after six weeks, with exceptions for rape, incest, human trafficking, or the health of the mother. Ballot Measure 4 would block the state from creating laws that would “prohibit, penalize, delay, or restrict abortion before viability or when necessary to protect the patient’s health, as determined by the patient’s healthcare provider.”

Proponents of the initiative argue it would enshrine abortion rights through viability, while opponents of the measure have argued the exceptions are too vague and could open the door for abortion without limits.

While abortion ballot measures have typically gone in favor of Democrats, the 60% threshold required for a measure to pass in Florida means neither side has the upper hand, even if the measure is popular.

“I don’t think people appreciate how high a threshold 60% is. It’s a significant threshold. It’s going to be hard to get there,” Dr. Kevin Wagner, professor and associate dean at Florida Atlantic University, told the Washington Examiner.

“The initial sort of look at the public opinion data suggest there’s more support for ballot measure four than say the marijuana measure, it could theoretically still pass to if both can carry 60% but it’s gonna, it’s gonna depend a lot on who turns out in November,” he added.

Recent polling has shown the measure being over the 60% threshold, with a June Fox News poll showing 69% of Florida voters supporting the measure, but with months to go in the campaign where the two major political parties have picked opposing sides, it appears too early to predict who will have the edge.

Democrats have tied themselves to the measure, pitching for voters to support amendment four and vote for President Joe Biden, and looking to capitalize on the matter.

“We know we got into this moment because Donald Trump stacked the court, and they overturned Roe v. Wade, and from there, Ron DeSantis passed a 15-week abortion ban and then a six-week abortion ban,” Florida Democratic Party chairwoman Nikki Fried told reporters in April.

The New Atlantis
FILE – Abortion rights advocates hold a rally in support of the “Yes On 4” campaign in downtown Orlando, Florida, on Saturday, April 13, 2024, ahead of the November ballot initiative, when Florida voters will decide on whether to allow the right to an abortion in Florida. At least four states will have abortion-related ballot questions in November’s election and there’s a push to get them before voters in several others.
(Willie J. Allen Jr./Orlando Sentinel via AP, File)

Republicans in the Sunshine State have stated their opposition to both ballot measures three — which would legalize recreational marijuana — and four, accusing supporters of the measure of trying to confuse voters.

“Floridians are confident that their legislature has been passing laws that reflect the priorities of our state. Amendments 3 and 4 are unnecessary attempts by an increasingly shrinking minority who know the only way to win support for their radical agenda is to confuse and mislead the electorate,” Florida Republican Party chairman Evan Power said in a statement.

“The Florida Democrats are a dead carcass on the side of the road, but outside dark money groups are looking to promote their far-left ideology by attempting to confuse Florida voters. The Florida GOP stands ready to correct the record and defeat the radical left while enshrining in our Constitution more rights for our citizens,” he added.

Democrats have hoped abortion on the ballot will boost turnout and potentially boost Biden and Democratic Senate candidate Debbie Mucarsel-Powell — who is challenging Sen. Rick Scott (R-FL) — to upset victories in November. The Biden campaign has insisted the state is “in play,” with abortion being center to their rationale.

“Florida is in play for President Biden and Democrats up and down the ballot. Trump and his out of touch loyalists are taking the state for granted, while their extreme agenda continues to increase costs and rip away Floridians’ freedoms,” Dan Kanninen, Biden-Harris Battleground States Director said in a statement to the Washington Examiner. “The President has a strong story to tell on the issues that matter most to Floridians, which is why our campaign continues to scale up our presence and investments into the state.”

Wagner predicts that while the ballot measure will likely boost Democratic turnout more than Republican turnout, the growing strength of the Florida GOP may be too much for Democrats to overcome in terms of taking a victory in the presidential and Senate races.

“My expectation is it should help Democratic turnout more than it’ll help Republican turnout, just by looking at the patterns that have occurred in other states across the country on these measures,” Wagner said. “With that said, the strength of the Republican Party in Florida has been significantly greater than the Democratic Party over the last several election cycles, so it’s hard to see that being enough to overcome the advantages that Republicans have in Florida.”

“Not impossible, but it would be highly unexpected,” he added.

In November 2020, Democrats held a 106,986 lead in registered voters in the state over the GOP, but as of May 31, 2024, Republicans now hold a 930,671 registered voter lead over Democrats in Florida. The last major elections in the state, in 2022, were a disaster for Democrats, with all statewide GOP candidates winning by double digits.

In Ohio, a former key swing state that has also shifted Republican in recent years, voters approved a ballot measure similar to the one in Florida by a margin of 56.8%-43.2% in November 2023. Florida could also see ticket splitters who still vote Republican but also support ballot measure four – adding a hurdle to Democrats looking to capitalize on the topic.

“I think the data from some of the other states, like Ohio, that did this show that you can get significant support for Republicans on one of these ‘return to Roe’ style amendments, and then you know, the Republicans will return to voting for Republican candidates in other races. We’ve certainly seen that pattern in other states,” Wagner said

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“So for Democrats, it’s not just getting people to turn on the amendment, it’s getting them to choose Democratic candidates as well. That’s certainly no sure thing,” he added.

Voters in Florida will decide on the fate of ballot measure four on Nov. 5.